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1、In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that “social epidemics” are driven in large part by the actions of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible-sounding but largely untested theory called the “two-step flow of communication”: Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends. In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required at all.The researchers' argument stems from a simple observation about social influence: with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey—whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence—even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics, by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example, the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of social influence by conducting thousands of computer simulations of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what is called “global cascades” — the widespread propagation of influence through networks—is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people. 1.By citing the book The Tipping Point, the author intends to( ).2.The author suggests that the "two-step-flow theory" ( ). 3.What the researchers have observed recently shows that ( ). 4.The underlined phrase “these people” in paragraph 4 refers to the ones who ( ). 5.What is the essential element in the dynamics of social influence?
問題1
A、analyze the consequences of social epidemics
B、discuss influentials' function in spreading ideas
C、exemplify people's intuitive response to social epidemics
D、describe the essential characteristics of influentials
問題2
A、serves as a solution to marketing problems
B、has helped explain certain prevalent trends
C、has won support from influentials
D、requires solid evidence for its validity
問題3
A、the power of influence goes with social interactions
B、interpersonal links can be enhanced through the media
C、influentials have more channels to reach the public
D、most celebrities enjoy wide media attention
問題4
A、stay outside the network of social influence
B、have little contact with the source of influence
C、are influenced and then influence others
D、are influenced by the initial influential
問題5
A、The eagerness to be accepted.
B、The impulse to influence others.
C、The readiness to be influenced.
D、The inclination to rely on others.
2、When Liam McGee departed as president of Bank of America in August, his explanation was surprisingly straight up. Rather than cloaking his exit in the usual vague excuses, he came right out and said he was leaving “to pursue my goal of running a company.” Broadcasting his ambition was “very much my decision,” McGee says. Within two weeks, he was talking for the first time with the board of Hartford Financial Services Group, which named him CEO and chairman on September 29. McGee says leaving without a position lined up gave him time to reflect on what kind of company he wanted to run. It also sent a clear message to the outside world about his aspirations. And McGee isn't alone. In recent weeks the No.2 executives at Avon and American Express quit with the explanation that they were looking for a CEO post. As boards scrutinize succession plans in response to shareholder pressure, executives who don't get the nod also may wish to move on. A turbulent business environment also has senior managers cautious of letting vague pronouncements cloud their reputations. As the first signs of recovery begin to take hold, deputy chiefs may be more willing to make the jump without a net. In the third quarter, CEO turnover was down 23% from a year ago as nervous boards stuck with the leaders they had, according to Liberum Research. As the economy picks up, opportunities will abound for aspiring leaders. The decision to quit a senior position to look for a better one is unconventional. For years executives and headhunters have adhered to the rule that the most attractive CEO candidates are the ones who must be poached. Says Korn/Ferry senior partner Dennis Carey: “I can't think of a single search I've done where a board has not instructed me to look at sitting CEOs first.” Those who jumped without a job haven't always landed in top positions quickly. Ellen Marram quit as chief of Tropicana a decade age, saying she wanted to be a CEO. It was a year before she became head of a tiny Internet-based commodities exchange. Robert Willumstad left Citigroup in 2005 with ambitions to be a CEO. He finally took that post at a major financial institution three years later. Many recruiters say the old disgrace is fading for top performers. The financial crisis has made it more acceptable to be between jobs or to leave a bad one. “The traditional rule was it's safer to stay where you are, but that's been fundamentally inverted,” says one headhunter. “The people who've been hurt the worst are those who’ve stayed too long.” 1.When McGee announced his departure, his manner can best be described as being( ).2.According to Paragraph 2, senior executives' quitting may be spurred by( ). 3.The word “poached” (Line 2, Paragraph 4) most probably means ( ). 4.It can be inferred from the last paragraph that ( ). 5.Which of the following is the best title for the text?
問題1
A、arrogant
B、frank
C、self-centered
D、impulsive
問題2
A、their expectation of better financial status
B、their need to reflect on their private life
C、their strained relations with the boards
D、their pursuit of new career goals
問題3
A、approved of
B、attended to
C、hunted for
D、guarded against
問題4
A、top performers used to cling to their posts
B、loyalty of top performers is getting out-dated
C、top performers care more about reputations
D、it's safer to stick to the traditional rules
問題5
A、CEOs: Where to Go?
B、CEOs: All the Way Up?
C、Top Managers Jump without a Net.
D、The Only Way Out for Top Performers.
3、The ethical judgments of the Supreme Court justices have become an important issue recently. The court cannot(1)its legitimacy as guardian of the rule of law(2)justices behave like politicians. Yet, in several instances, justices acted in ways that(3) the court's reputation for being independent and impartial. Justice Antonin Scalia, for example, appeared at political events. That kind of activity makes it less likely that the court's decisions will be(4)as impartial judgments. Part of the problem is that the justices are not(5) by an ethics code. At the very least, the court should make itself (6) to the code of conduct that (7) to the rest of the federal judiciary. This and other similar cases (8) the question of whether there is still a (9) between the court and politics. The framers of the Constitution envisioned law (10) having authority apart from politics. They gave justices permanent positions (11) they would be free to (12 )those in power and have no need to (13)political support. Our legal system was designed to set law apart from politics precisely because they are so closely (14) . Constitutional law is political because it results from choices rooted in fundamental social (15) like liberty and property. When the court deals with social policy decisions, the law it (16)is inescapably political—which is why decisions split along ideological lines are so easily (17) as unjust. The justices must (18) doubts about the court's legitimacy by making themselves (19) to the code of conduct. That would make rulings more likely to be seen as separate from politics and, (20), convincing as law.
問題1
A、emphasize
B、maintain
C、modify
D、recognize
問題2
A、when
B、lest
C、before
D、unless
問題3
A、restored
B、weakened
C、established
D、eliminated
問題4
A、challenged
B、compromised
C、suspected
D、accepted
問題5
A、advanced
B、caught
C、bound
D、founded
問題6
A、resistant
B、subject
C、immune
D、prone
問題7
A、resorts
B、sticks
C、loads
D、applies
問題8
A、evade
B、raise
C、deny
D、settle
問題9
A、line
B、barrier
C、similarity
D、conflict
問題10
A、by
B、as
C、though
D、towards
問題11
A、so
B、since
C、provided
D、though
問題12
A、serve
B、satisfy
C、upset
D、replace
問題13
A、confirm
B、express
C、cultivate
D、offer
問題14
A、guarded
B、followed
C、studied
D、tied
問題15
A、concepts
B、theories
C、divisions
D、conventions
問題16
A、excludes
B、questions
C、shapes
D、controls
問題17
A、dismissed
B、released
C、ranked
D、distorted
問題18
A、suppress
B、exploit
C、address
D、ignore
問題19
A、accessible
B、amiable
C、agreeable
D、accountable
問題20
A、by all means
B、at all costs
C、in a word
D、as a result
4、A deal is a deal-except, apparently, when Entergy is involved. The company, a major energy supplier in New England, provoked justified outrage in Vermont last week when it announced it was reneging on a longstanding commitment to abide by the strict nuclear regulations. Instead, the company has done precisely what it had long promised it would not challenge the constitutionality of Vermont's rules in the federal court, as part of a desperate effort to keep its Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant running. It's a stunning move. The conflict has been surfacing since 2002, when the corporation bought Vermont's only nuclear power plant, an aging reactor in Vernon. As a condition of receiving state approval for the sale, the company agreed to seek permission from state regulators to operate past 2012. In 2006, the state went a step further, requiring that any extension of the plant's license be subject to Vermont legislature's approval. Then, too, the company went along. Either Entergy never really intended to live by those commitments, or it simply didn't foresee what would happen next. A string of accidents, including the partial collapse of a cooling tower in 2007 and the discovery of an underground pipe system leakage, raised serious questions about both Vermont Yankee's safety and Entergy's management—especially after the company made misleading statements about the pipe. Enraged by Entergy's behavior, the Vermont Senate voted 26 to 4 last year against allowing an extension. Now the company is suddenly claiming that the 2002 agreement is invalid because of the 2006 legislation, and that only the federal government has regulatory power over nuclear issues. The legal issues in the case are obscure: whereas the Supreme Court has ruled that states do have some regulatory authority over nuclear power, legal scholars say that Vermont case will offer a precedent-setting test of how far those powers extend. Certainly, there are valid concerns about the patchwork regulations that could result if every state sets its own rules. But had Entergy kept its word, that debate would be beside the point. The company seems to have concluded that its reputation in Vermont is already so damaged that it has noting left to lose by going to war with the state. But there should be consequences. Permission to run a nuclear plant is a public trust. Entergy runs 11 other reactors in the United States, including Pilgrim Nuclear station in Plymouth. Pledging to run Pilgrim safely, the company has applied for federal permission to keep it open for another 20 years. But as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) reviews the company's application, it should keep it mind what promises from Entergy are worth. 1.The phrase “reneging on”(Line 2. para.1) is closest in meaning to( ).2.By entering into the 2002 agreement, Entergy intended to ( ). 3.According to Paragraph 4, Entergy seems to have problems with it ( ). 4.In the author's view, the Vermont case will test ( ). 5.It can be inferred from the last paragraph that( ).
問題1
A、condemning
B、reaffirming
C、dishonoring
D、securing
問題2
A、obtain protection from Vermont regulators
B、seek favor from the federal legislature
C、acquire an extension of its business license
D、get permission to purchase a power plant
問題3
A、managerial practices
B、technical innovativeness
C、financial goals
D、business vision
問題4
A、Entergy's capacity to fulfill all its promises
B、the mature of states' patchwork regulations
C、the federal authority over nuclear issues
D、the limits of states' power over nuclear issues
問題5
A、Entergy's business elsewhere might be affected
B、the authority of the NRC will be defied
C、Entergy will withdraw its Plymouth application
D、Vermont's reputation might be damaged
5、In the idealized version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed and collected by objective researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work. But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous and complicated route. We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context of our unique life experience. Prior knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent actions we take. Opportunities for misinterpretation, error, and self-deception abound. Consequently, discovery claims should be thought of as protoscience. Similar to newly staked mining claims, they are full of potential. But it takes collective scrutiny and acceptance to transform a discovery claim into a mature discovery. This is the credibility process, through which the individual researcher's me, here, now becomes the community's anyone, anywhere, anytime. Objective knowledge is the goal, not the starting point. Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual credit. But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next. Within the complex social structure of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication process; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying technology. As a discovery claim works it through the community, the interaction and confrontation between shared and competing beliefs about the science and the technology involved transforms an individual's discovery claim into the community's credible discovery. Two paradoxes exist throughout this credibility process. First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing Knowledge that is viewed as incomplete or incorrect. Little reward accompanies duplication and confirmation of what is already known and believed. The goal is new-search, not re-search. Not surprisingly, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing will always be open to challenge and potential modification or refutation by future researchers. Second, novelty itself frequently provokes disbelief. Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Azent-Gyorgyi once described discovery as “seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought.” But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views. Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated. In the end, credibility “happens” to a discovery claim—a process that corresponds to what philosopher Annette Baier has described as the commons of the mind. “We reason together, challenge, revise, and complete each other's reasoning and each other's conceptions of reason.” 1.According to the first paragraph, the process of discovery is characterized by its( ).2.It can be inferred from Paragraph 2 that credibility process requires ( ). 3.Paragraph 3 shows that a discovery claim becomes credible after it ( ). 4.Albert Szent-Gyorgyi would most likely agree that ( ). 5.Which of the following would be the best title of the test?
問題1
A、uncertainty and complexity
B、misconception and deceptiveness
C、logicality and objectivity
D、systematicness and regularity
問題2
A、strict inspection
B、shared efforts
C、individual wisdom
D、persistent innovation
問題3
A、has attracted the attention of the general public
B、has been examined by the scientific community
C、has received recognition from editors and reviewers
D、has been frequently quoted by peer scientists
問題4
A、scientific claims will survive challenges
B、discoveries today inspire future research
C、efforts to make discoveries are justified
D、scientific work calls for a critical mind
問題5
A、Novelty as an Engine of Scientific Development.
B、Collective Scrutiny in Scientific Discovery.
C、Evolution of Credibility in Doing Science.
D、Challenge to Credibility at the Gate to Science.
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