考研201英語(yǔ)（一）在線(xiàn)題庫(kù)每日一練（三十四）

本文提供考研201英語(yǔ)（一）在線(xiàn)題庫(kù)每日一練，以下為具體內(nèi)容

1、In 1924 America's National Research Council sent two engineers to supervise a series of industrial experiments at a large telephone-parts factory called the Hawthorne Plant near Chicago. It hoped they would learn how stop-floor lighting （1）workers' productivity. Instead, the studies ended （2） giving their name to the "Hawthorne effect", the extremely influential idea that the very （3） to being experimented upon changed subjects' behavior. The idea arose because of the behavior of the women in the （4） Hawthorne plant. According to （5） of the experiments, their hourly output rose when lighting was increased, but also when it was dimmed. It did not （6） what was done in the experiment; （7）something was changed, productivity rose. A(n) （8） that they were being experimented upon seemed to be （9） to alter workers' behavior （10） itself. After several decades, the same data were （11） to econometric the analysis. Hawthorne experiments has another surprise in store （12） the descriptions on record, no systematic （13） was found that levels of productivity were related to changes in lighting. It turns out that peculiar way of conducting the experiments  may have led to （14） interpretation of what happened. （15）, lighting was always changed on a Sunday. When work started again on Monday, output （16） rose compared with the previous Saturday and （17） to rise for the next couple of days. （18）, a comparison with data for weeks when there was no experimentation showed that output always went up on Monday, workers （19） to be diligent for the first few days of the week in any case, before （20） a plateau and then slackening off. This suggests that the alleged "Hawthorne effect" is hard to pin down.

問(wèn)題1

A、affected

B、achieved

C、extracted

D、restored

問(wèn)題2

A、at

B、up

C、with

D、off

問(wèn)題3

A、truth

B、sight

C、act

D、proof

問(wèn)題4

A、controversial

B、perplexing

C、mischievous

D、ambiguous

問(wèn)題5

A、requirements

B、explanations

C、accounts

D、assessments

問(wèn)題6

A、conclude

B、matter

C、indicate

D、work

問(wèn)題7

A、as far as

B、for fear that

C、in case that

D、so long as

問(wèn)題8

A、awareness

B、expectation

C、sentiment

D、illusion

問(wèn)題9

A、suitable

B、excessive

C、enough

D、abundant

問(wèn)題10

A、about

B、for

C、on

D、by

問(wèn)題11

A、compared

B、shown

C、subjected

D、conveyed

問(wèn)題12

A、contrary to

B、consistent with

C、parallel with

D、peculiar to

問(wèn)題13

A、evidence

B、guidance

C、implication

D、source

問(wèn)題14

A、disputable

B、enlightening

C、reliable

D、misleading

問(wèn)題15

A、In contrast

B、For example

C、In consequence

D、As usual

問(wèn)題16

A、duly

B、accidentally

C、unpredictably

D、suddenly

問(wèn)題17

A、failed

B、ceased

C、started

D、continued

問(wèn)題18

A、Therefore

B、Furthermore

C、However

D、Meanwhile

問(wèn)題19

A、attempted

B、tended

C、chose

D、intended

問(wèn)題20

A、breaking

B、climbing

C、surpassing

D、hitting

2、In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that “social epidemics” are driven in large part by the actions of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible-sounding but largely untested theory called the “two-step flow of communication”: Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends. In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required at all.The researchers' argument stems from a simple observation about social influence: with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey—whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence—even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics, by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example, the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of social influence by conducting thousands of computer simulations of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what is called “global cascades” — the widespread propagation of influence through networks—is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people. 1.By citing the book The Tipping Point, the author intends to（  ）.2.The author suggests that the "two-step-flow theory" （  ）.  3.What the researchers have observed recently shows that （  ）.  4.The underlined phrase “these people” in paragraph 4 refers to the ones who （  ）.  5.What is the essential element in the dynamics of social influence?

問(wèn)題1

A、analyze the consequences of social epidemics

B、discuss influentials' function in spreading ideas

C、exemplify people's intuitive response to social epidemics

D、describe the essential characteristics of influentials

問(wèn)題2

A、serves as a solution to marketing problems

B、has helped explain certain prevalent trends

C、has won support from influentials

D、requires solid evidence for its validity

問(wèn)題3

A、the power of influence goes with social interactions

B、interpersonal links can be enhanced through the media

C、influentials have more channels to reach the public

D、most celebrities enjoy wide media attention

問(wèn)題4

A、stay outside the network of social influence

B、have little contact with the source of influence

C、are influenced and then influence others

D、are influenced by the initial influential

問(wèn)題5

A、The eagerness to be accepted.

B、The impulse to influence others.

C、The readiness to be influenced.

D、The inclination to rely on others.

3、Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle viewed laughter as “a bodily exercise precious to health.” But（1）some claims to the contrary, laughing probably has little influence on physical fitness. Laughter does （2）short-term changes in the function of the heart and its blood vessels, （3） heart rate and oxygen consumption. But because hard laughter is difficult to （4）, a good laugh is unlikely to have （5） benefits the way, say, walking or jogging does. （6）, instead of straining muscles to build them, as exercise does, laughter apparently accomplishes the （7）, studies dating back to the 1930's indicate that laughter （8） muscles, decreasing muscle tone for up to 45 minutes after the laugh dies down. Such bodily reaction might conceivably help （9） the effects of psychological stress. Anyway, the act of laughing probably does produce other types of （10） feedback, that improve an individual's emotional state.  （11） one classical theory of emotion, our feelings are partially rooted （12） physical reactions. It was argued at the end of the 19th century that humans do not cry （13） they are sad but they become sad when the tears begin to flow. Although sadness also （14） tears, evidence suggests that emotions can flow （15） muscular responses. In an experiment published in 1988, social psychologist Fritz Strack of the University of Würzburg in Germany asked volunteers to （16） a pen either with their teeth—thereby creating an artificial smile—or with their lips, which would produce a(n)（17） expression. Those forced to exercise their smiling muscles（18） more enthusiastically to funny cartoons than did those whose months were contracted in a frown,（19） that expressions may influence emotions rather than just the other way around. （20）, the physical act of laughter could improve mood. 

問(wèn)題1

A、among

B、except

C、despite

D、like

問(wèn)題2

A、reflect

B、demand

C、indicate

D、produce

問(wèn)題3

A、stabilizing

B、boosting

C、impairing

D、determining

問(wèn)題4

A、transmit

B、sustain

C、evaluate

D、observe

問(wèn)題5

A、measurable

B、manageable

C、affordable

D、renewable

問(wèn)題6

A、In turn

B、In fact

C、In addition

D、In brief

問(wèn)題7

A、opposite

B、impossible

C、average

D、expected

問(wèn)題8

A、hardens

B、weakens

C、tightens

D、relaxes

問(wèn)題9

A、aggravate

B、generate

C、moderate

D、enhance

問(wèn)題10

A、physical

B、mental

C、subconscious

D、internal

問(wèn)題11

A、Except for

B、According to

C、Due to

D、As for

問(wèn)題12

A、with

B、on

C、in

D、at

問(wèn)題13

A、unless

B、until

C、if

D、because

問(wèn)題14

A、exhausts

B、follows

C、precedes

D、suppresses

問(wèn)題15

A、into

B、from

C、towards

D、beyond

問(wèn)題16

A、fetch

B、bite

C、pick

D、hold

問(wèn)題17

A、disappointed

B、excited

C、joyful

D、indifferent

問(wèn)題18

A、adapted

B、catered

C、turned

D、reacted

問(wèn)題19

A、suggesting

B、requiring

C、mentioning

D、supposing

問(wèn)題20

A、Eventually

B、Consequently

C、Similarly

D、Conversely

4、In the idealized version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed and collected by objective researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work. But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous and complicated route. We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context of our unique life experience. Prior knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent actions we take. Opportunities for misinterpretation, error, and self-deception abound. Consequently, discovery claims should be thought of as protoscience. Similar to newly staked mining claims, they are full of potential. But it takes collective scrutiny and acceptance to transform a discovery claim into a mature discovery. This is the credibility process, through which the individual researcher's me, here, now becomes the community's anyone, anywhere, anytime. Objective knowledge is the goal, not the starting point. Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual credit. But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next. Within the complex social structure of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication process; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying technology. As a discovery claim works it through the community, the interaction and confrontation between shared and competing beliefs about the science and the technology involved transforms an individual's discovery claim into the community's credible discovery. Two paradoxes exist throughout this credibility process. First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing Knowledge that is viewed as incomplete or incorrect. Little reward accompanies duplication and confirmation of what is already known and believed. The goal is new-search, not re-search. Not surprisingly, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing will always be open to challenge and potential modification or refutation by future researchers. Second, novelty itself frequently provokes disbelief. Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Azent-Gyorgyi once described discovery as “seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought.” But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views. Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated. In the end, credibility “happens” to a discovery claim—a process that corresponds to what philosopher Annette Baier has described as the commons of the mind. “We reason together, challenge, revise, and complete each other's reasoning and each other's conceptions of reason.” 1.According to the first paragraph, the process of discovery is characterized by its（  ）.2.It can be inferred from Paragraph 2 that credibility process requires （  ）.  3.Paragraph 3 shows that a discovery claim becomes credible after it （  ）.  4.Albert Szent-Gyorgyi would most likely agree that （  ）.  5.Which of the following would be the best title of the test? 

問(wèn)題1

A、uncertainty and complexity

B、misconception and deceptiveness

C、logicality and objectivity

D、systematicness and regularity

問(wèn)題2

A、strict inspection

B、shared efforts

C、individual wisdom

D、persistent innovation

問(wèn)題3

A、has attracted the attention of the general public

B、has been examined by the scientific community

C、has received recognition from editors and reviewers

D、has been frequently quoted by peer scientists

問(wèn)題4

A、scientific claims will survive challenges

B、discoveries today inspire future research

C、efforts to make discoveries are justified

D、scientific work calls for a critical mind

問(wèn)題5

A、Novelty as an Engine of Scientific Development.

B、Collective Scrutiny in Scientific Discovery.

C、Evolution of Credibility in Doing Science.

D、Challenge to Credibility at the Gate to Science.

5、People are, on the whole, poor at considering background information when making individual decisions. At first glance this might seem like a strength that （1） the ability to make judgments which are unbiased by （2） factors. But Dr. Uri Simonsohn speculated that an inability to consider the big （3） was leading decision-makers to be biased by the daily samples of information they were working with. （4）, he theorised that a judge （5） of appearing too soft （6） crime might be more likely to send someone to prison （7） he had already sentenced five or six other defendants only to forced community service on that day.To （8） this idea, he turned to the university-admissions process. In theory, the （9） of an applicant should not depend on the few others （10） randomly for interview during the same day, but Dr Simonsohn suspected the truth was （11）.He studied the results of 9,323 MBA interviews （12） by 31 admissions officers. The interviewers had （13） applicants on a scale of one to five. This scale （14） numerous factors into consideration. The scores were （15） used in conjunction with an applicant’s score on the Graduate Management Admission Test, or GMAT, a standardised exam which is （16） out of 800 points, to make a decision on whether to accept him or her.Dr Simonsonh found if the score of the previous candidate in a daily series of interviewees was 0.75 points or more higher than that of the one （17） that, then the score for the next applicant would （18） by an average of 0.075 points. This might sound small, but to （19） the effects of such a decrease a candidate would need 30 more GMAT points than would otherwise have been （20）.

問(wèn)題1

A、grants

B、submits

C、transmits

D、delivers

問(wèn)題2

A、minor

B、objective

C、crucial

D、external

問(wèn)題3

A、issue

B、vision

C、picture

D、moment

問(wèn)題4

A、For example

B、On average

C、In principle

D、Above all

問(wèn)題5

A、fond

B、fearful

C、capable

D、thoughtless

問(wèn)題6

A、in

B、on

C、to

D、for

問(wèn)題7

A、if

B、until

C、though

D、unless

問(wèn)題8

A、promote

B、emphasize

C、share

D、test

問(wèn)題9

A、decision

B、quality

C、status

D、success

問(wèn)題10

A、chosen

B、studied

C、found

D、identified

問(wèn)題11

A、exceptional

B、defensible

C、replaceable

D、otherwise

問(wèn)題12

A、inspired

B、expressed

C、conducted

D、secured

問(wèn)題13

A、assigned

B、rated

C、matched

D、arranged

問(wèn)題14

A、put

B、got

C、gave

D、took

問(wèn)題15

A、instead

B、then

C、ever

D、rather

問(wèn)題16

A、selected

B、passed

C、marked

D、introduced

問(wèn)題17

A、before

B、after

C、above

D、below

問(wèn)題18

A、jump

B、float

C、drop

D、fluctuate

問(wèn)題19

A、achieve

B、undo

C、maintain

D、disregard

問(wèn)題20

A、promising

B、possible

C、necessary

D、helpful

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